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Lookup NU author(s): Emeritus Professor Anders Holmberg
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License (CC BY-NC 4.0).
This paper investigates the Final-over-Final Constraint (FOFC): a head-initial category cannot be the immediate structural complement of a head-final category within the same extended projection. This universal cannot be formulated without reference to the kind of hierarchical structure generated by standard models of phrase structure. First, we document the empirical evidence, logically possible but cross-linguistically unattested combinations of head-final and head-initial orders. Second, we propose a theory, based on Kayne’s (1994) LCA, where FOFC is an effect of the distribution of a movement-triggering feature in extended projections, subject to Relativized Minimality.
Author(s): Biberauer T, Holmberg A, Roberts I
Publication type: Article
Publication status: Published
Journal: Linguistic Inquiry
Print publication date: 01/04/2014
Online publication date: 28/04/2014
Acceptance date: 01/01/1900
Date deposited: 23/04/2012
ISSN (print): 0024-3892
ISSN (electronic): 1530-9150
Publisher: MIT Press
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